Colonizing Mindanao
SPAIN HAD CONSOLIDATED ITS
RULE IN Luzon and the entire Visayan chain of islands in 1572, but its presence
in Mindanao was barely noticeable. Reducciones that centered around a
church or convencio (refectory) existed in northern and western
Mindanao, but these were few and far between.
The spirit of adventure and
the thrill of discovery spurred Spain to further explore Mindanao for all it
was worth: vast lands for the taking, dense populations awaiting the spread of
Christianity, and unlimited trade and commercial possibilities.
Caraga
In eastern Mindanao, one of
the first municipios (municipalities) to be organized was Caraga. On an
expedition to Surigao Province, Philippine Governor General Rafael Maria de
Aguilar, went on to explore beyond the Commandancia of Bislig and
organize municipios in places with a good number of inhabitants. He
explored Cateel, Dapnan, Baganga and Caraga in 1805.
The expedition entered Caraga
River to replenish its dwindling provisions and supply of water. Native
Christians Raymundo Palma Gil, Vicente Palmera, Eusebio Pichon, Benedicto
Binugtuan, and Mandaya baganis (warriors) Tagabulog, Tagalilong, Suligao
and Salilongan met the newcomers and informed them of the presence of quite a large number of inhabitants in the
valley. The natives were told to organize their local government and elect
their officials. They were assured that once the municipio was
established, the government would assign a guardiacosta (Coast Guard) to
patrol the eastern shores and protect them from Moro raiders.
The CarageƱos were further
told that for administration and tax collection purposes, the municipio
would be under the direct control of the Commandancia of Bislig. The
townspeople then organized themselves into a municipio with Vicente
Palmera as primero teniente (first lieutenant) and Eusebio Pichon,
Benedicto Binugtuan, Tagabulog, Tagalilong, Salilongan and Suligao as cabezas
de barangay (barangay captains).
Caraga town may be said to
have been officially organized in 1805 under the direct auspices of Gov.
Aguilar.
Moro Migrants
The proud Moros of
Davao Gulf were believed to be subjects of either the Sultan of Buayan or of
Maguindanao. The territory was supposedly part of the domain of Sultan Dipatwan
Qudarat of Maguindanao (1619-1671) at the height of his rule.n Some of the
Muslim inhabitants are believed to have come directly from southern islands of
Java, the Celebes, Sumatra or Jolo after the fall of the Madjapahit empire in
early 15th century (Mastura 1979). It is probable that these people
had intermarried with those who came from the adjacent sultanates, and some must
have participated in the raids against Christian settlements along the east
coast and further north. Some of them may have been refugees from some Spanish
expeditions who found relative safety in coming to Davao Gulf to be away from
the intermittent Spanish punitive incursions in Maguindanao or Buayan.
Davao Gulf Territory
The territory that held the most interest for the
Spaniards, especially the traders of the east coast, was that of Davao Gulf
(also known as Tagloc Bay and Seno de Davao). Predominantly
settled by Moros especially along the mouths of rivers, the Davao Gulf area was
a promising trading post. Christians from the east coast had time and again
ventured to trade with the infieles on the eastern side of Davao Gulf,
especially Pundaguitan up to Surup (later Sigaboy), the territory of the
Manobos. The place had abundant forest products for trade – especially almaciga
(a tree variety that yields resin for manufacture of paint.)
Trade –offs
Trading was also enhanced by
the movement of Christians who drifted down the east coast in search of better
job opportunities or sometimes to escape conscription for pola (military
service or free labor). The movement of these people fostered the development
of trading contracts from one village to the other, including contracts with
natives who had greater access to forest products for trade. As time marched
along, trading grew among isolated villages, bringing ancillary effects, such
as building friendships, sharing confidence and information, and promoting
culture in varied aspects.
These pioneer Christian
traders were particularly interested in the supply of gutta-percha or resin,
lumbang nuts, beeswax, honey, and even gold dust gathered by the natives along
the coast from Pundaguitan (Sigaboy) up north to Quinquin (Kingking) where the
river swept down gold, which they panned.
Small – scale trading was the
base from which commerce developed. Indigenous inhabitants supplied products
from the sweat of their brow at prices dictated by the traders. Profits were
enormous when these products for local use or manufacture were marketed in
large population centers, such as Manila and especially Europe.
The world was becoming smaller
with the advent of steam- powered transportation. Auguring well for the growth
of mercantilism were the people’s rising standard of living and their
concurrent ability to pay for goods of commerce. The world of commerce had
become more intensive as colonial possessions matured. This was the time to
exploit the colonies, its people and material resources.
Trading conducted by the
Christians of the Davao east coast was animated: Butuan, Surigao, Tandag and
Bislig were in the route of Christian trading vessels from ports in the Visayan
Islands as well as those from Manila. Shipping, though irregular, posed not
much of a problem because the products for trade were not perishable and could
stay in the bodegas (warehouses) for long periods until the next trip.
The shortage of transportation
vessels to trade monopoly. Spanish officials were their encouraged to go into
business to enhance production among their inhabitants and improve income for
the government. The local governors, the commandancia officers and the
affluent “white” private entrepreneurs dominated the conduct of business and
its various benefits.
Among these privates
entrepreneurs numbered the Basques, people from the northwestern districts of
the Spanish mainland. Noted for their liberal inclinations and dislike for the
monarchial rule in Spain, they had opted to come to the Philippines to engage
mainly in private ventures because they did not like the government
bureaucracy.
Monarchial loyalists and
liberal elements who had a chance to be in power usually brought their
individual biases, and that included the matter of appointment of officials to
the Philippine colony. The character of leadership in the country depended on
the direction the winds of power in mainland Spain blew.
Don Jose Oyanguren y Cruz
One of these Basque
entrepreneurs, Don Jose Oyanguren y Cruz, had stayed in Tandag and Bislig along
Davao’s east coast to find himself a viable venture. Realizing, however, that
the high officials in the province and the commandancias practically
dominated the commercial operations in these parts, he left Mindanao and
transferred to the Calamianes (Palawan) to survey business prospects in that
region.
In time, Oyanguren sailed to
Manila where he enrolled in the newly opened Faculty of Law (1835) at the
University of Santo Tomas. Later he served as a juez de letrado (judge)
in Tondo.
Claveria, Claveria
Governor General Narciso
Claveria y Zaldua, the forward-looking politico who authorized Oyanguren
to conquer the Davao Gulf area, was a man of many talents. He decreed the
adoption of Spanish surnames for Filipinos and introduced the Social Security
System, for which he was lauded by the Queen of Spain by Royal Order.
He spurred the formation of
the Union Hispano-Filipino to promote agriculture, commerce and
navigation. He established a school of painting; minimized vagrancy by
conscripting able-bodied and idle men for public works projects for a month and
returning them to be enrolled in their communities.
With the concurrence of the
Archbishop of Manila, he corrected the calendar used in the Philippines by
suppressing one day – 31 December 1844 – to adjust the one-day difference of
the European calendar.
Engrossed in the task of
suppressing Moro piracy in the islands, Claveria effected treaty after peace
treaty with the rulers of Basilan and the reigning Sultan of Maguindanao
Qudarat Funda. Those he couldn’t pacify, he attempted to conquer with the help
of steamships. Recognized as a hero of the Moro Wars in the Sulu Archipelago
during his term of office (1841-1949), Claveria was awarded a jeweled sword and
conferred the titles of Conde de Manila and Vizconde de Claveria
when he returned to Spain on 25 December 1849.
These honors will have to make
up for the ignominy with which the Davao City Street named in his honor has
been changed to C.M. Recto some years ago.
The district at the time
encompassed what may be compared now to the entire Metro Manila jurisdiction.
Governor General Narciso
Claveria y Zaldua arrived in Manila aboard a British ship on 13 July 1844. He
assumed office by 16 October, succeeding Governor General Francisco de Paula
Alcala de la Torre. Claveria’s instruction from Spain were to exert utmost
efforts to preserve Spanish sovereignty; adopt measures to retain the
Filipino’s confidence, esteem and respect for the Spaniards, and accordingly
keep his conduct deserving of that respect; and defend the lawful interest of
the Catholic religion, allowing no manifestation of other religious creeds.
Claveria, described as fair,
honest and enterprising, endeavored to deserve his trust in discharging his
office during his five-year term. One of his significant actions, which
influenced the history of Davao, was his acquisition of steamships, which he
employed in the campaign against those Moros who refused to recognized Spanish
sovereignty. The expedition to use those steam-powered vessels took place,
coincidentally enough, at about the time that a colonizing expedition to Davao
Gulf territory was already sent on a siege along the mouth of Davao River
against the fort of Datu Mama Bago, located less than 2 kilometers upriver.
Reforms and consequent changes
in officialdom in the home government, invariably affected appointments of
officials in the Philippines. The appointment of Claveria affected Oyanguren:
his name no longer appeared in the list of judges in Manila. He was technically
eased out of service. It was at this time that he heard of a deplorable of
which he had some knowledge and friends.
Moros Attack San Rufo
Trading vessels were loaded
with cargoes for specific consignees, mail matters and supplies for the
military outposts as well as considerable goods for trade. In every port where
these vessels stopped, the greater part of their transactions pertained to the
selling or bartering of the cargo from Manila with those available in the provincial
ports. Considerable time was lost as the boat owners or investors in the
trading business made sure that their enterprise took precedence over the
delivery of goods to consignees. These coastwise traders played a vital role in
filling the inhabitants’ needs, and in a larger view, promoting economic
growth.
The vessels or panco as
the people in the Visayas called them, were driven by sail, quite expertly made
by craftsman to withstand big waves. The people of Masbate during those times
were admired for their craft in making such boats.
The veteran vessel, San
Rufo, plied the trading posts of eastern Mindanao. Its owner was based in
Tandag, bur he had an Italian partner from Manila who represented several;
business houses there and like the boat owner, usually came with the vessel to
conduct business and supervise the crew. The extent of San Rufo’s
business coverage expanded little by little from Surigao to Tandag and Bislig,
plus other communities along its route, until it reached Sigaboy where it
loaded a good quantity of forest products bartered from Manobos for the Manila
Market.
The experience was an
eye-opener to these traders. The abundance of products for trade in the Davao
Gulf coast must have kept them yearning for more opportunities to come to Davao
Gulf to expand their business. In Manila, they heard of the treaty by which the
renowned Sultan of Maguindanao had ceded the Davao Gulf territory to Spanish
control and the invitation to the Spaniards to open a trading house in the
capital town of the sultanate in Tamontaca.
With the proper connections,
The San Rufo traders in time had a letter from the Sultan to the Chief
Datu of Davao Gulf, the elderly Datu Mama Bago, sometimes called Sultan by his
vassals. His chief assistant and heir-apparent was his eldest son, Datu Malano
Bago, who often took upon himself some decisions and responsibilities, which to
his mind did not necessitate his father’s approval. The old man had
elephantiasis, and he must not be bothered so much.
Such was the case when San
Rufo arrived at the mouth of Davao River with the intentions of
establishing friendly trading relations as promoted by Sultan Qudarat of
Maguindanao.
An account of the contact
between the traders and the men of Datu Bago follows:
…San Rufo, which had been
loaded with merchandise, by one of the commercial houses in Manila, came to
Davao in 1845. The captain and second officer of the sail boat were Spaniards …
they were accompanied by an Italian who was a private trader. They had a letter
of recommendation from the Sultan of Maguindanao for the datus to receive those
of the San Rufo as friends.
The Davao Gulf Moros pretended
to respect the letter of the Sultan and accepted the Spaniard’s proposition to
trade, offering them friendship and a considerable quantity of wax in exchange
for their goods. Under this seemingly friendly reception and unwary of the
Moros’ plot, the majority of the crew left their ship to go fishing in their
ship’s skiff (bote in the vernacular) while some went ashore.
Taking advantage of the
opportunity, a good number of Moros, led by one Datu Ongay, presented
themselves with bundles of wax and other trade products in which they concealed
their weapons.
The ship’s interpreter, seeing
so many Moros arriving at a time when there were hardly any men left on board,
became suspicious of their intentions. The captain said he did not fear the
Moros. The pilot remonstrated saying it would not do any harm to take a few
precautions.
The captain then ordered a
sentinel posted with musket ready; one of the Europeans and the interpreter
prepared their arms also. Still, more and more Moros arrived. They contrived to
isolate the Europeans and separate them from one another. When they were most
busily engaged in examining and weighing the wax, the Moros drew their kris
at a given signal. Two reports rang out and two Moros fell dead, but in a few
moments the heads of the Europeans were severed and rolling on the deck.
Only two men were left alive:
the captain’s and the Italian’s servants, retained to be the Moros’ slaves. Two
days later, the two seized a baroto (small boat) and escaped in it,
making their way to Pundaguitan then to Surigao where they related what
occurred on the San Rufo. The men who made good their escape had no
knowledge of the fate of their companions who went out fishing prior to the
time of the attack. The presumption was they must have been killed also.
The crew who went fishing had
their own story to tell when they reached the safety of the ancient Fort Linao
in the Agusan Monkayo territory. They related that they noticed what was
happening on the San Rufo so they lost no time in rowing their bote
towards the head of Davao Gulf, at Hijo and from there took to the forests
northward until they reached Fort Linao.
News of the horrible fate that
befell the San Rufo reached Manila: how the cargoes were pillaged and the ship
burned how the traders and the crew were killed. This created a furor for
vengeance. Don Jose Oyanguren in Manila became aware of the public clamor and
came down to Davao to get updated information concerning the situation and Datu
Bago’s following and armaments.
Oyanguren Secures
Colonizing Rights
In Davao, Oyanguren learned
that the Maguindanao Sultan Qudarat Funda had disclaimed any responsibility
with regard to the attack of the Moros of Davao Gulf, stating they were not his
subjects because they had disobeyed his instructions.
Claveria sent Brigadier
General Agustin Bocalan, together with Zamboanga Governor Cayetano Figueroa, to
confront the Sultan about the San Rufo pillage. Unable to provide a
satisfactory explanation for Datu Bago’s act, the embarrassed Maguindanao
leader consented to the signing of another treaty, this time ceding the Davao
Gulf territory to Spanish control.
This opportunistic document
foisted on the Sultan gave a free hand to Spanish authorities to deal with the
Davao issue whatever way they saw fit. The Sultan, however, felt it was the
only way to prevent open warfare with his relatives who were interested in
taking over the seat of power. For as long as Spain was on his side. Sultan
Qudarat felt confident about holding on to his sultanate.
With his legal background,
Oyanguren readily discerned the implication of the treaty of cession. He now
felt a sense of relief in the thought that should any belligerent action take
place with the Moros of Davao Gulf; the Sultan would not interfere or support
these Moros. He saw in this a chance to bring about, without great risk, his
cherished desire to secure control of the trading opportunities that the rich
Davao Gulf territory had in store.
Oyanguren lost no time in
getting together his friends and others interested in investing in his venture.
Then he sought an audience with Gov. Claveria to present his project proposal:
to conquer and subdue the entire gulf district; expel or pacify the
Moros there; and establish the Christian religion, if he were given supplies and
equipment rights of trade therein.
Gov. Claveria appeared
supportive towards Oyanguren’s preposition because it ran along Madrid’s
instructions to Claveria when he came to the Philippines. Oyanguren’s
requirements for supplies and armaments were readily met, but the terms of
office and authority he sought once the Davao Gulf district came under his
control were objected to by certain members of the Royal Audiencia (equivalent
to the ombudsman). This was because Claveria’s liberal concessions to Oyanguren
appeared to be much like the privileges of the encomienda (land grant),
which had been abolished in 1697.
The final terms of Oyanguren’s
contract with the government, however, were specified in a 27 February 1847
decree promulgated by Claveria. Salient provisions gave Oyanguren command of
the District of Davao for ten years and exclusive rights of trade for six years
following its conquest. He was given a brigantine and three sloops with
artillery, muskets and ammunition as well as permission to raise a company of
soldiers and take with him volunteer settlers who may have their own vessels to
join the expedition.
Journeying to Davao Gulf
Oyanguren’s expedition left
Manila in February 1845 to take advantage of favorable winds. He estimated that
by the time he would reach Mindanao, the seas of the east coast would be
calmer, a fact he knew only too well through experience. He had sailed the
rough and dangerous coast and had been warned about the many ships dashed
against the rocky shores by strong winds and huge waves.
Oyanguren and company had to
stop every now and then in the ports along the way to get more volunteers.
Oyanguren had not much time in Manila to recruit the crew, especially soldiers
who could help him in his colonizing venture. He was able to persuade some
recidivists and parolees who saw in Oyanguren’s venture a chance for a kind of
freedom in a faraway land.
To Oyanguren, Claveria’s
encouragement was too good an opportunity to delay further. It was imperative
that the undertaking for such a long and hazardous voyage be made while the
weather was fine; otherwise there would be a waiting period of several months
for the next favorable weather. Oyanguren found his volunteers in Surigao,
Siargao, Tandag, Bislig and Carga. Here he spent a couple of days in the
sheltered bay of Santiago, Caraga, waiting for additional families and a
helmsman familiar with the Davao Gulf area, especially the dangerous, whirling
sea currents at Cape San Agustin.
Oyanguren’s expedition finally
arrived at a narrow channel in Samal Island. He dropped anchor at Maripanao
(now called Malipanao) in March 1848, with 70 people in all, including his wife
and other women.
Updated on April 13, 2017@7:48pm by Rhey Mark H. Diaz
Updated on April 13, 2017@7:48pm by Rhey Mark H. Diaz
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